http://www.pmsci.ir/ Contemporary Iranian Political and Media Studies en daily 1 Sat, 21 Mar 2026 00:00:00 +0330 Sat, 21 Mar 2026 00:00:00 +0330 http://www.pmsci.ir/article_248061.html This theoretical research, using systematic literature review and thematic analysis, examines the profound transformation of political power due to cognitive revolution. Recently, advances in neuroscience, cognitive psychology, behavioral economics, and digital technologies have turned human cognition from an individual process into a strategic infrastructure of political power. This has shifted governance paradigms from institutional-structural models to cognition-centered models.The main objective of the research is to formulate a new paradigm of cognitive governance and to analyze the role of cognition in redefining concepts of power, legitimacy, inequality, and the role of the state. The research methodology combined a systematic literature review (1970–2024) and theoretical thematic analysis of 128 key sources.The findings indicate the emergence of 'cognitive power' as the ability to regulate the architecture of attention, cognitive load, emotions, and collective predictions. Furthermore, a new layer called 'cognitive legitimacy' has been added to the concept of political legitimacy, 'cognitive inequality' has been identified as a novel socio-political divide, and the role of the state has evolved into 'collective cognition regulator.' These changes highlight necessity of establishing institutions such as cognitive regulatory bodies, enhancing cognitive literacy, and ensuring cognitive justice.Consequently, without accepting this paradigmatic shift, the sustainability of democracy, social cohesion, and the efficiency of governance systems in the age of artificial intelligence and digital platforms will be seriously threatened. The present study provides an interdisciplinary conceptual framework that paves the way for future empirical research and policy-making in the field of cognitive governance. http://www.pmsci.ir/article_248226.html The evolution of digital media based on artificial intelligence has fundamentally changed traditional patterns of crime and criminal liability, paving the way for the emergence of new media crimes such as fake news, deep forgery, and digital reputation crimes. The main issue of this research is to explain how to redefine the elements of criminal liability in the context of algorithmic media and to examine the adequacy of existing criminal law systems in the face of these developments. This research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources and comparative studies in the field of media law and criminal law. The research findings show that the network structure of content distribution, the role of algorithms, and the indirect participation of users have weakened traditional patterns of crime attribution and created the need to shift from individual-centered responsibility to network and structural responsibility. It was also found that digital platforms are not simply neutral intermediaries, but play an active role in the process of producing and intensifying criminal acts. As a result, classical criminal policy based on ex post reaction is insufficient to control this type of crime and requires preventive approaches, technological regulation, and algorithmic transparency. The aim of this research is to provide an analytical framework for rethinking the concepts of criminal responsibility in the new media space and to propose hybrid approaches in criminal policy. http://www.pmsci.ir/article_248227.html In the present era, the use of radio, television, satellite, and social networks as fast and accessible communication media has become a social necessity and an integral part of human life.On the one hand, in the present era, the media have become tools for spreading various ideas and ideologies around the world. How does exposure to media messages affect the process of political socialization? It seems that the media has had significant consequences on the patterns of political socialization and the consolidation of values ​​and various aspects of human life, including their way of thinking and behavior.According to research findings, in our country, Iran, the media has become an important and influential institution. The lack or weakness of media literacy can cause a deviation from political realities and misconceptions. The media are both opportunistic and harmful, and a realistic understanding of the environment must be made. By utilizing media literacy, the socialization process can be guided from a state of unquestioning acceptance to a state of seeking truth. In Iran, promoting media literacy through formal and informal education can be an effective step in improving political socialization and developing social capital. http://www.pmsci.ir/article_248228.html The 12‑day war of June 2025 between Israel and Iran – marked by offensive drones, AI‑guided munitions, and cyber operations – redefined the modern battlefield and created fundamental security challenges for Iran. Drawing on offensive neorealism, which stresses the maximization of military power in an anarchic international system, this study asks how emerging technologies like drones and AI have altered the regional balance of power and threaten Iran’s security. The main hypothesis, derived from the offensive neorealist tenet that power prevails over security, argues that Israel’s asymmetric use of AI‑centric drones and hybrid warfare has cemented its hegemonic advantage, forcing Iran to reconsider its defensive strategy – unless Tehran rapidly indigenises those technologies to restore deterrence. The research follows a qualitative, descriptive‑analytical method. The findings show that Israel’s AI‑guided drones executed more than 70% of precision strikes, significantly disrupting parts of Iran’s cyber infrastructure, while Iran’s lack of layered AI defence worsened its vulnerability. From this, several urgent lessons emerge: Iran must invest immediately in swarm drones and defensive AI, integrate cyber‑air capabilities into its deterrence doctrine, and pursue regional technology‑transfer partnerships with Russia and China. Ultimately, if Iran does not redefine its battlefield approach in line with offensive neorealism, its security will remain dangerously exposed to future hybrid threats. http://www.pmsci.ir/article_250271.html The Twelve-Day War of 2025 was one of the most significant security and political events affecting contemporary Iran, generating considerable social and political consequences. This study adopts a political sociology perspective to examine the impact of the conflict on patterns of political behavior, social cohesion, and state-nation relations in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The central research question explores how the Twelve-Day War influenced citizens’ political attitudes, perceptions of governmental legitimacy, and the reconfiguration of the relationship between the state and society.The research is grounded in the theoretical framework of political society, emphasizing the interaction between external security threats, social solidarity, and political behavior. Employing a qualitative descriptive-analytical approach, the study analyzes media discourse, political commentaries, analytical reports, and the public positions of political elites to identify dominate patterns in political and social responses during and after the conflict.The finding indicate that the war temporarily strengthened national cohesion, reduced visible political polarization, and reinforced symbolic support for the state during the period of external threat. However, these effects proved to be largely contingent upon the exceptional circumstances of the crisis. The persistence of structural challenges, declining social capital, and limited institutional trust prevented the emergence of long-term changes in political legitimacy and state-nation relations. The study concludes that while external military threats may generate short-term solidarity and conditional political support, they are insufficient to produce enduring transformations in the relationship between the state and society without sustained improvements in governance, institutional performance, and public trust. http://www.pmsci.ir/article_250534.html چکیدهاین پژوهش با رویکرد تاریخی‌ـ‌تحلیلی و با اتکا به منابع کتابخانه‌ای، سه کودتای معاصر ایران را با تأکید بر نقش بریگاد قزاق و مداخله قدرت‌های خارجی در مهندسی قدرت سیاسی بررسی می‌کند. پرسش اصلی آن است که کودتاهای لیاخوف، رضاخان و زاهدی چگونه در پیوند میان مداخله خارجی، سازمان نظامی وابسته قزاق و بحران‌های ساختاری جامعه ایران شکل گرفتند. فرضیه پژوهش بر این مبناست که مهندسی قدرت سیاسی در این سه مقطع، نه حاصل عاملی واحد، بلکه محصول برهم‌کنش سه سطح بین‌المللی، ساختاری‌ـ‌نهادی و داخلی بوده است. چارچوب نظری مقاله بر یک مدل تلفیقی سه‌سطحی استوار است که در سطح بین‌المللی از نظریه امپریالیسم لنین و نظریه وابستگی فرانک، در سطح ساختاری‌ـ‌نهادی از رویکرد استفانی کرونین درباره نقش دوگانه ارتش در دولت‌سازی و نظریه زوال سیاسی و پریتورینیسم هانتینگتون، و در سطح داخلی از نظریه استبداد ایرانی و جامعه کوتاه‌مدت کاتوزیان بهره می‌گیرد. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که در ۱۲۸۷، بریگاد قزاق به فرماندهی لیاخوف ابزار مستقیم روسیه برای سرکوب مشروطه شد؛ در ۱۲۹۹، خلأ قدرت و حمایت بریتانیا زمینه صعود رضاخان و مهندسی نظامی قدرت را فراهم کرد؛ و در ۱۳۳۲، مداخله آمریکا و بریتانیا با اتکا به فضل‌الله زاهدی به سقوط دولت ملی و تثبیت اقتدارگرایی وابسته انجامید. این مقاله نتیجه می‌گیرد که سه کودتا، در پیوند با تداوم استبداد داخلی، رقابت قدرت‌های خارجی و نقش‌آفرینی نیروی نظامی وابسته قزاق و نیروهای برآمده از سنت آن، الگویی مشترک از مداخله بیرونی، وابستگی سیاسی‌ـ‌‌نظامی و بازتولید تمرکز اقتدار در تاریخ معاصر ایران را بازتاب می‌دهند.